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WHALING NATION
By Shawn Blore

| Paul Watson, on the other hand, doesn't find
it ridiculous at all. Though Watson
has supported
Native causes in the past, he said,
in this
case his loyalty goes to the whales.
"I
represent other tribes," said
Watson,
"including the whale nations,
and they
have rights too. I will not easily
allow
the killing to resume."
Should the Makah ever attempt to engage
in
whaling, Watson said, he plans to outfit
a ship with a sympathetic crew of American
Natives and have it do escort duty
for the
grey whales as they migrate past Neah
Bay.
The prospect of a high-seas confrontation
would have TV networks around the world
salivating.
It's the kind of publicity Watson normally
thrives on. His campaigns are designed
to
bring the light of international media
attention
to bear on those who prefer to carry
out
their deeds unseen. Unfortunately for
Watson,
the Makah seem to be enjoying the spotlight.
Early in the year, Dan Greene went
on an
extended Euro-junket to explain the
Makah
position on German TV and radio; German
public
TV picked up the tab. Sones has done
interviews
with Japanese TV crews. Hollywood has
been
pitching the idea of a movie-of-the-week
deal to the tribal council. "It's
brought
us to the forefront of international
and
national news," said Sones.
Not only have the Makah managed to
hold their
own in the public-relations battle
with Watson
and Sea Shepherd, they got a huge boost
when
Greenpeace declared itself officially
neutral
in the debate. The organization that
established
itself by, among other things, buzzing
Russian
ships no longer concerns itself with
the
fate of individual grey whales. It's
the
survival of the species that matters.
As
a result, Greenpeace sees little to
fear
from the Makah. "I don't think
anyone
believes the Making taking five little
whales
is going to harm the species,"
said
Gerry Leape, the lead anti-whaling
campaigner
for Greenpeace, from Washington, D.C.
Greenpeace has stopped short of endorsing
the Makah's plan, but its lack of protest
is about as ringing an endorsement
as the
tribe could possibly hope for. Nonetheless,
even Greenpeace has one nagging qualm.
"We
have no objection to a subsistence
hunt,"
said Leape, "but I think you'd
see our
stance change very quickly if the Makah
began
whaling commercially."
Leape had best be nimble, because the
Makah's
definition of "subsistence"
is
more than elastic enough to stretch
around
a bit of commerce. "People don't
understand,"
said Sones "that historically
the resources
we harvested, like whale oil, were
associated
with a huge trade. These were resources
of
commerce, and not just resources to
feed
ourselves."
This same argument has been made by
Native
communities across North America, including
B.C.'s lower Fraser River Sto:lo Nation.
The idea that Natives hunted or fished
or
whaled solely for their own consumption,
they argue, is a delusion, the product
of
a falsely idealized view of traditional
Native
life. Natives always traded, the argument
goes, so in demanding a share in a
commercial
fishery, as the Sto:lo have done, they
are
just reasserting traditional rights
and practices.
Certainly, in the case of the of the
Sto:lo
and the Makah, archeological evidence
and
historical records show that both peoples
traded their surplus catch far and
wide.
But the Sto:lo have been frank about
their
plans. They wanted a commercial salmon
fishery;
they got one. The Makah have been maddeningly
coy. Is this hunt going to be merely
a token
kill, like the Canadian Inuit's take
of two
endangered bowhead whales this August.
Or
is this a commercial whaling station
In the
making? It's a question the Makah refuse
to answer clearly.
Assistant fisheries manager Sones has
stated
that the five whales expected from
the first
year's hunt will probably be consumed
on
the reserve but what happens in subsequent
years is anybody's guess. "If
things
changed In the International Whaling
Commission
and they reinstated commercial harvest
for
countries like Norway or Japan, I'm
sure
our petition may change," said
Sones.
The fact that whale meat wholesales
in Japan
for about $80 a kilo, or upwards of
one million
dollars a grey whale, would give the
cash-strapped
little band quite an incentive to go
into
the commercial whaling games.
When asked whether or not the Makah
have
plans to sell whale meat, fisheries
manager
Dan Greene was even less circumspect.
"Even
if we do," he asked rhetorically,
"so
what?"
So what, Indeed? It wouldn't be the
first
time an ostensible "subsistence"
hunt has grown and acquired a commercial
character. In 1993, Greenland aboriginals
were awarded a subsistence quota of
105 minke
whales a year for three years. In 1995,
they
were back, asking that the yearly quota
be
raised to 255 whales. The Greenland
fishermen's
organization also wanted permission
to export
the whale meat. Greenlanders, they
argued,
have the same right to cars, flush
toilets,
TV sets, and CD players as other nations,
as well at the same right to make use
of
their limited resources to acquire
these
amenities. And although they have a
point,
chopping up whales for export is not
exactly
what comes to most people's mind when
they
hear the words "subsistence hunt".
Nonetheless, in the weeks leading up
to the
IWC convention in June, it looked as
if Greenpeace's
tacit approval and the backing of the
U.S.
government would be enough to get the
Makah
their quota. Greene was certainly confident.
"The IWC has never denied a subsistence
quota. Ours will come through,"
said
Greene. But at the Aberdeen meeting,
another
voice was raised in opposition, this
one
from the within the tribe itself.
Alberta Thompson, a 70-year-old Makah
elder,
was flown to Aberdeen by an ad-hoc
coalition
of anti-whaling activists. Her message
to
the delegates was much the same as
the one
she had for the Straight some weeks
before
the conference: the Makah subsistence
hunt
it a sham pure and simple. "Subsistence
means you'll die if you don't' get
the food,"
says Thompson, " so how can this
be
subsistence?"
For an example of real subsistence,
Thompson
pointed to the example of a woman she
met
at an aboriginal women's conference
in Alaska,
an Inuit who depended on caribou for
her
livelihood. "That woman was living
just
like her ancestors did 3,000 years
ago,"
said Thompson. "That's subsistence."
The Makah hunt, on the other hand,
she said,
is purely a commercial venture. "The
attitude of the people pushing this
hunt
is 'How much can we get for each whale?'
They're in it for the almightily dollar.
And you know, to me, killing a whale
for
money is a crime."
Thompson's opposition dealt the Makah
proposal
a killing blow. Here was a living,
breathing
Makah elder giving voice to the same
suspicions
that many delegates themselves had
harboured.
"A lot of the delegates were looking
for an excuse to vote against the proposal,"
Greene said after the meeting. "She
gave it to them."
Thompson's interference was particularly
galling to Greene and tribal counsellor
Parker
because, despite Thompson's age, neither
Greene nor Parker consider her an elder.
In fact, the two have nothing but contempt
for Thompson and her views. Their reasons
are cultural. Two hundred years ago,
in the
days before European contact, Makah
society
was a rigid hierarchy of nobles, commoners,
and slaves. Social status determined
occupation.
Nobles hunted whales. Commoners hunted
teals,
or fished. Slaves did what they were
told.
They were the only class that could
be killed
purely on an aristocratic whim.
Greene claims descent from a whaling
family.
So do Parker and the other members
of the
governing tribal council. Thompson
claims
descent from a sealing family, but
that claim
was met with derision by Greene. There
were
nobles, said Greene, and there were
commoners.
Thompson, he claimed, belongs to neither
class. That leaves only slaves. Given
her
social status, Greene believes Thompson's
opinions should properly have bean
ignored.
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